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Abstract
    A crisis has been happening in Hong Kong since June 9, 2019, and still continues. Without reaching a social consensus, the Chief Executive (CE) of Hong Kong, Carrie Lam announced an amendment bill for the current extradition law, which allowed fugitives to be extradited to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Lam and her administration, also the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) behind it, are facing the greatest resistance from all walks of life in Hong Kong, who was deeply afraid of the injustice environment in PRC, with protests and street occupations. However, Lam decided to use extreme police violence to suppress the protests, which caused even severe reactions from the public, causing the Lam administration to become the lowest rating administration since the region was established in 1997. On the other hand, the people of Hong Kong realized that there is a reason on explaining the government didn’t listen to their demands, which is due to the CE, who has been ruling them, is not serving for the people of Hong Kong, but the CCP in Beijing. Therefore, protestors addressed five closely chained demands to the Lam administration, urging them to fulfill all of them then step down. Those five demands are (1) Withdrawal of the Bill; (2) Establishment of an Independent Commission of Inquiry; (3) Retraction of the Proclamation "Riot" on the Protesters; (4) Amnesty All Arrested Protesters; and (5) Duel-Universal-Suffrage for Chief Executive and Legislative Council. Carrie Lam should fulfill them and step down with her administration.

Fulfilling “Five Demands” is the Best Solution to Hong Kong’s Unrest
    Since March 31, 2019, the people of Hong Kong have been trying to get through their worst crisis since the handover of the country in 1997 (Master & Pomfret 2019). Conflicts and clashes between the Hong Kong Police Force (HKP) and citizens ranging from weekends to weekdays, from holiday to daily life, citizens started to get used to living with Lennon Walls with memo stickers and artworks, with “Glory to Hong Kong” is being sung around the entire city. In this battle between the conscience of the people of Hong Kong and the evilness of the Chinese Central Government, almost six thousand citizens have been arrested, and sixteen percent of them are being prosecuted by November 21 (Security Bureau 2019), with the excessive-violence by the police force. The citizens in Hong Kong have gone rouge and urged, not asked, that the Chief Executive (CE), Carrie Lam, should immediately establish an independent investigation commission, to investigate the movement. However, the protestors received nothing from the authority, also were insulted by Lam as “they have no stakes in the society” (Information Service Department, 2019b). Therefore, the movement became even larger and developed into an enormous civil disobedience movement in Hong Kong.
    The movement began with a murder case on February 13, 2018, in which Tong-kai Chan, a citizen from Hong Kong, murdered his pregnant girlfriend, Hiu-wing Poon, also a citizen from Hong Kong, in Taipei, Taiwan. After he murdered his girlfriend in a hotel, he folded her body into a luggage bag. He later left that luggage in the underbrush in a park next to a metro station; he then flew back to Hong Kong. When the police force of Taipei discovered Poon’s body, they suspected that Chan was the suspect, as seen on security camera recordings in the hotel. According to the Ministry of Justice of Taiwan, on December 3, 2018, Taiwan Shilin District Prosecutors Office issued an arrest warrant on Chan (Warrant Number: 002637), which was valid for the next thirty-seven years and six months (2018).
    Meanwhile, according to the current extradition laws in Hong Kong, fugitives will not be sent to any parts of China, including Taiwan. As for that matter, the Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) in Taiwan contracted with Hong Kong’s authorities thrice and claimed they would offer as much assistance as they could to extradite Chan with a “One Time Extradition Agreement” to Taiwanese court for his trial (Victor & May, 2019). On March 29, 2019, John Lee and Teresa Cheng, the Secretary for Security and the Secretary for Justice, respectively, gazetted: “Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019” for the current extradition law, as a “solution” for this case (The Legislative Council, 2019a). After the announcement, most people in Hong Kong had noticed that this bill also allowed fugitives and suspects to be extradited to the People’s Republic of China (PRC), a regime that most people, whether they were from Hong Kong Bar Association (HKBA) (HKBA, 2019), or the Pro-Democratic-Camp members from the Legislative Council (LegCo) (The Standard, 2019). According to Kris Cheng (2019a), he states that the minister of MAC, Chui-cheng Chiu has stated that if the bill were passed, they would address travel alerts to Hong Kong since Chiu agreed that there were possibilities that Taiwanese citizens would be extradited to PRC once they arrived in Hong Kong by any chance, resulting it with the nickname of “China-Extradition Bill”. Everyone concerned that once criminals were extradited to PRC, they would not be treated according to human rights, fair trials, or reasonable prosecutions, in the light of what had happened in the past. However, their concerns were considered as “nonsense” by Carrie Lam, during a Q&A session in LegCo (Cheng, 2019b). Therefore, the Civil Human Rights Front (CHRF), a joint organization in Hong Kong, by various pro-democratic parties and organizations, since March 31, had launched seventeen protests and assemblies, including four objected protests and assemblies. According to CHRF, the highest attendance to date was the two-million-protestor-demonstration on June 16, which broke the record of one million five hundred thousand people who protested on June 4, 1989, who were protesting against the massacre in Tiananmen Square.
    With the conflict on June 12, the movement developed into a leaderless protest. All assemblies and movements were volunteered via LIHKG and Telegram, indicating where they should meet and protest, which made it difficult for the government to search for who to arrest and prosecute for conducting unlawful assemblies. Therefore, the government decided to use the extreme method on demonstrators, including allowances of using excessive force, such as bullets, and thousands of cans of teargas (Ruwitch et al., 2019 & HKBA, 2019b). The most horrific rumors were from a holding centre in San Uk Lane, where suspects were rumored to be treated inhumanly, including physical and psychological abuses, sexual assaults and harassments by the police force (Ng, 2019). However, no effective independent investigations on the HKP was ever conducted.
    On June 16, the CHRF addressed “Five Demands”, which became the slogan “Five Demands, Not One Less” (Hsu, 2019) and according to Freedom Hong Kong (2019), those five demands are (1) Withdrawal of the Bill; (2) Establishment of an Independent Commission of Inquiry; (3) Retraction of the Proclamation "Riot" on the Protests; (4) Amnesty All Arrested Protesters; and (5) Duel-Universal-Suffrage for the CE and the LegCo. The protesters vowed that they would not stop protesting unless all of their demands were met. According to the website, it is clear that they are closely chained and connected, therefore, not one less. However, Carrie Lam refused to respond and fulfill all of the demands, with Lam subsequently claimed that the demands were unacceptable and that the demonstrators had no interest in Hong Kong nor its system of government during a press conference. Hence, the demonstrations continued. If the Government of Hong Kong wanted to stop all demonstrating and social conflicts, fulfilling “Five Demands” and stepping down from authority would be the best and the only option for Lam Administration to solve the current social unrest in Hong Kong.
    First, withdrawing the bill was the core of the early protests. When the bill was announced in March, scholars from the field of law, former government officers, international leaders, and LegCo members had been asking for suspension or withdrawal of the bill, some of them were even from the Pro-Beijing-Camp, including Albert Chan, a senior legal scholar in the University of Hong Kong, who assists that expanding the current limitation of jurisdiction, to override Hong Kong’s a right to put Chan on trial in Hong Kong’s judicial system; by abandoning this bill, it could avoid the embarrassing political status on fugitives extradition between Hong Kong and Taiwan (2019). However, the suggestion was rejected by Teresa Cheng, claiming that would violate the jus soli rule of the Common Law system, although jurisdiction law still has been existed in Hong Kong for decades. On May 20, John Lee announced that the bill would skip the LegCo’s committee commission, directly starting the second-read in the council meeting on June 12, causing an enormous conflict outside of the LegCo Complex between the HKP and the citizens of Hong Kong since the handover on that day. According to Ruwitch et al., the police and the Government of Hong Kong characterized the conflict as a riot, but at the same time claiming there were no legal characterizations for conflicts after “Five Demands” was addressed. According to the Information Service Department (2019a), on June 15, Carrie Lam admitted that she didn’t sufficiently explain and communicate to the public what the bill has included. Therefore, Lam announced that the amendment had been suspended, and claimed that she would communicate with the people, to persuade them to accept the bill, also giving her time to amend it, to address any objections. After the announcement, on that night, a man, named Marco Leung, committed suicided in an effort to urge Lam to withdraw the amendment completely, then resign. After Leung’s Death, two million citizens participated in the protest in black shirts. However, Leung’s death still encouraged eight other citizens followed to commit suicide over the next four months.
    According to the findings of the Centre for Communication and Public Opinion Survey at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (2019), that although Carrie Lam admitted the amendment works were a complete failure and reiterated that the “the bill is dead” as a response on July 9, ninety-five percents of the protesters onsite were unsatisfied that Lam still refused to respond and fulfill the “Five Demands”. On September 4, Lam announced that her administration would officially withdraw the bill, hoping to dispel public’s concerns (Information Department Service, 2019c). However, Lam used the term “move a motion” on withdrawing the bill, which caused suspicion over the public, that she might use “tricks” to overturn the withdrawal motion with her Pro-Beijing Camp members in the LegCo and immediately resume on the process of passing the bill (Chan, 2019). Lam changed the term “move a motion” to “withdrawing the bill” the next day, claiming that there was nothing to worry about that mentioned circumstance might happen since there were no tricks behind the term of use (Information Service Department, 2019d). According to the agenda of the LegCo on October 23, 2019, it shows that John Lee, the Secretary for Security, attended the council meeting, announcing that the bill had been withdrawn by the Hong Kong Government, officially (2019b). However, it can be retaken out anytime by the Government of Hong Kong if they refuse to listen to public’s concerns since Carrie Lam insists that she has done nothing wrong to bring out that bill in different occasions and similar amendment might be taken out by Lam anytime soon since she has not promised anything on that matter.
    Second, the Independent Commission of Inquiry is part of the essential investigation of the movement. Most people focus on the investigation of the excessive-violence of the HKP on the protestors and journalists (Mezzofiore, 2019); it should also be focused on executive decisions from the Lam Administration and her Executive Council (ExCo), of the influences behind those decisions. According to Lam, she claimed that the Independent Police Complain Council (IPCC) would be enough to investigate the issue of HKP’s violence, promising that the government would fully support the investigation of the IPCC (Information Service Department, 2019c). However, rumors continue that there will be further investigations among the Pro-Beijing-Camp, LegCo and their supports, Lam Administration, also the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), will appoint the IPCC to investigate rumors of corruption; but notably, that the IPCC has no legal rights to investigate on their own; they require assistance and corporations from the HKP. According to the Hong Kong Free Press (2019), the IPCC has only successfully completed one complain about police misconduct and was prosecuted by the Department of Justice (DOJ) between 2010 and 2018. Hong Kong Free Press indicates that IPCC is legally passive on receiving information and assistance from the HKP, who is not assisting the IPCC but only to receive advice from them on improving their operations. As the IPCC cannot sufficiently investigate police violence, an independent commission of inquiry needs to be established to investigate the HKP. Since the protest, the police force was accused of suppressing the protestors with excessive-violence, and the CCP was also accused of spreading national terrorism within the city and its nation. The most significant examples are their political pressures on forcing of Cathay Pacific Airways (CX)  to terminate employment on pro-protests crew members and the official condemnation on Mass Transit Railway (MTR) on special transportation service after protests (Lee et al. 2019 & Wong & Anderlini, 2019). Moreover, the HKP, Lam Administration and one specific LegCo’s member, Junius Ho, were controversially involved into organizing a terrorist attack on citizens in Yuen Long, New Territories on July 21, with hundreds of white-shirted triads marching into an MTR station, blatantly and brutally attacked every citizens inside the station, including a three-month-pregnant woman. Also, the HKP launched another terrorist attack in another MTR station, Prince Edward, on August 31, as rumors had spread, there were believably at least three deaths after all media reporters were forced to leave the station (Wong, 2019). However, the HKP and the Hong Kong Government denied there were any deaths on August 31 in Prince Edward Station, and the MTR refused to publish the CCTV’s footages of the incident, some believe, that the Hong Kong Government and the HKP are hiding the truth, with the assistance of the MTR by not releasing footages of Prince Edward Station that night. The HKP was also involved in entrapment on the protesters by going undercover into the protest. According to Barbara Marcolini (2019), the HKP sent agents, to dress as the protestors, working undercover and then violently arresting them after inciting illegal acts by the protestors. According to Marcolini, she reports that on August 11, that one of the students, Jack, was arrested and brutally injured him by the HKP after he was arrested, causing him to have a brain hemorrhage and sequela such as endless nosebleed and always feeling dizzy. A lawyer, Kennith Lam, tried to help the arrested protesters but was denied to meet and the HKP in the holding centre also refused to offer the suspects with medical assistance, which has severely violated the rights of suspects. Therefore, an independent commission of inquiry is necessary, especially eighty-eight percent of the people urged for one (MingPao, 2019).
    The HKP was accused of suppressing the protests. With the protest on June 9, the HKP decided to use every suppression they could on minimizing the attendance, such as only opening a small field in Victoria Park while they could open all six football fields for assembly in prior of the protest, although a large number of protesters forced the police to make all of them available, the crowd had to start the protest miles away from the initial start. Also, the HKP was only allowing limited lanes for the protesters to use on avenues, but they still eventually had to open all lanes on avenues for those one-million-and-thirty-thousand protesters. On June 16, when the HKP completely corporate with CHRF for the protest, the protest was completely peaceful and no harm was done with proper police managements, except minor conflicts were conducted due to unsatisfied responses from the Government. According to Anne Nassauer (2015), she states that good police management influences peaceful protests (p. 9). Nassauer puts out an example of the G20 meeting in Pittsburgh on September 25, 2009, that proper police management can keep protest that was seemingly to be violent to become peaceful as was unexpected. Also, she also states that good communication between police and protesters maintains a peaceful protest (p. 10). On another example by Nassauer, she writes that a march in April 4, 2009, in Germany to against to the meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), an officer of the police force decided to raise both of the hands after pushing back of a protester, to show that he/she means no harms as a peaceful token. Therefore, good management and communication help with peaceful protests. The June 16 protest showed that the HKP was capable to conduct peaceful protests. However, the June 16 protest was the only good management protest that the movement had ever had.
    Suppressions on protests are not only issuing letters of objection but also included large scales of excessive-violence from the HKP. On June 12, an assembly caused conflicts outside the LegCo Complex, the police used excessive force on the protestors, including two-hundreds canisters of teargas, twenty-nine rubber bullets, thirty-three sponge projectiles and three bean bag rounds that day, causing huge casualties on protect-less-protesters (Ruwitch et al., 2019). According to Amnesty International (2019), they found that the HKP had used excessive-force on citizens of Hong Kong from collected footages. They confirmed certain forces had violated the international human rights law and standards. However, the Amnesty’s statement was ignored by the HKP, and claiming that certain violence was necessary and lawful. On August 31, the Special Tactical Squad (STS / Elite Team) marched into Prince Edward Station, attacking citizens in the station. After the massive attack was captured on camera and aired live on television and YouTube, STS set off blockade to the station, forcing all the reporters and media to leave the station, or they would be prosecuted for “Obstructing government administration”. Rumors were spread around the city after the reported were driven away from the station, including three protesters were killed by STS during their attack. All rumors were denied by the HKP and the Hong Kong Government, claiming that there were no deaths in Prince Edward Station on August 31. However, since the MTR refused to publish the CCTV of that night, more people believe that something must not be told happened in Prince Edward Station on August 31. On October 1, which was the National Day of PRC. On that day, the protesters rushed out on the street, protesting in sixteen out of eighteen districts in the city. In Tsuen Wan, a Form 5 (Grade 11th in American standard) student from Tsuen Wan Public Ho Chuen Yiu Memorial College, Chi-kin Tsang, was shot in the chest by a police officer, which was the first protestor who was shot by police force since the handover 1997. He survived from that gunshot by less than three centimeters from the heart, however, he's now facing three political prosecutions from the DOJ, one of them is riot, the other two are “Offensive Police Officer”. A doctoral candidate, Wang-tat Yau, from the Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU), who tried to help Tsang, but also was arrested and prosecuted for riot (Cheng, 2019d). According to Public Order Ordinance, the sentence for Tsang will be eleven years in prison, while Yau will be ten years. The abuse of power from the HKP and the DOJ has gone to the maximum level when it comes to prosecuting students. On October 4, Carrie Lam exercised Emergency Regulation Ordinance to pass “Anti-Mask-Law” with her ExCo, claimed that it would help on suppressing the protestors' violence. However, the police force is allowed to mask themselves, protestors and even journalists believe that is a one man may steal a horse while another may not look over a hedge problem, that police are allowed to put masks on to protect themselves from teargas and human search online, and protestors and journalists need to take them all in. According to the Police Force Council Staff Associations (PFCSA), claims to form an independent commission to investigate the police does not fair to the police force without providing any evidentiary supports (2019). Therefore, Lam chose to harbor for the unlawful police violence since she needs the support from the HKP by claiming there is nothing else she has in a leak audio recording (Pomfret & Torode, 2019). However, the excessive violence from the police force has caused terror and damaged to Hong Kong society. Therefore, an independent commission of inquiry should be established to investigate does it all makes sense, even though it might be correct in the government's eyes.
    Police should never use violence too much on trying to “clear out” the protestors. In 1999, in a protest against the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Seattle, WA, the police force decided to use exaggerated among of teargas and rubber bullets, which temporality cleared out intersections which were occupied by the demonstrators (Weissman, 1999, p. 25). However, the police started to face ten-thousand students with gas masks on and completely geared-up in Star Wars-like-costumes, to the police, face-to-face, to march forward to the WTO, which completely similar to the students in Hong Kong, while the students of Hong Kong are fighting for democracy and freedoms and Seattle did for labor rights (Weissman, 1999). Hence, police should stay calm when protesters occupied certain areas.
    Another most controversial operation by the HKP was the involvement in a terrorist attack on July 21, in which hundreds of white-shirted triads appeared in a group, marching to an MTR station in Yuen Long, while there was no police to stop the violence by the triads. The emergency dialer, “999” did not respond and cut off, rudely responded with calling them caller “not to go outside if they were afraid” (Lam et at., 2019). The triads could be seen of marching into the station with offensive weapons like wooden sticks and metal pipes, attacking everyone they saw in the station, non-discriminately, including journalists, normal citizens, even a pregnant woman was injured, chasing them from the entrance to platforms, and to the trains. The investigation of the terrorist attack on July 21 has been raising in the public since it happened. However, Carrie Lam insists that IPCC can do the investigation job, claiming such commission of inquiry is unnecessary (Information Service Department, 2019c).
    Establishing an Independent Commission of Inquiry to investigate is definitely not a waste of resources and money to the Hong Kong Government, especially when the whole movement has gone beyond its ability. On November 8, Clifford Stott (2019), one of the five members from the International Expert Panel (IEP) of IPCC, published the statement of the panel, stated there are shortfalls on the power and right in the system of IPCC, suggesting “an independent body” on the investigation. However, it was ignored by Carrie Lam. Therefore, on December 11, all members of the IEP quitted the IPCC (Khan, 2019). According to Michael Tien, a Pro-Beijing Camp legislator, he believes that the majority has already forgotten about the extradition bill but the clashes between the HKP and the protesters. Therefore, an independent commission of inquiry is required to solve the problem, Tien believes if Carrie Lam fulfills this demand too late, there will be no help for her to do so after people change their focuses on taking down the government itself (Pomfret et al, 2019).
    Third, the government is trying to suppress the protest with prosecutions and using the term “Riot” on the protests. However, this protest is a political crisis, and it should be solved politically, but not just handing them to court as a solution, while most of the protesters were actually influenced by the excessive-force by the HKP when the protestors had no choices but to raise their operations during protests. Therefore, the protests should not be identified as “Riot”. According to Lam (Information Service Department, 2019c), she claims that all prosecutions will be issued based on collected evidence and the Prosecution Code by the DOJ, otherwise, it would be contrary to the rule of law. However, the majority of the public believed that all prosecution is politically considered. Also, the bill was carried out under the title of the Secretary for Justice, Teresa Cheng. Therefore, protestors should be freed from all prosecutions unless an independent commission of inquiry considered that prosecutions are required on certain behaviors. Especially, some of the arrestees were journalists, doctors and nurses, some of them were just normal residents that walked by while they were trying to get food from supermarkets. On July 21, the HKP arrested forty-five protesters during a conflict in Hong Kong Island. All of them were taken to court in less than twenty-four hours and prosecuted for "riot" by DOJ and facing a ten-year sentence. The intimidation of arresting all protesters and opinions were spread around the city, threatening an ideology of “You’ll be in Court if Protest” to all citizens while the HKP kept issuing objections on legal protests. On the other hand, hundreds of white-shirted triads marched into MTR Yuen Long station that night, only twenty-four were arrested over two months and only two of them were prosecuted. On October 6, an attack was conducted by a taxi driver, Henry Cheng, who used his taxi to crash into protestors on the street, causing two girls permanently handicapped. However, Cheng was rewarded by Pro-Beijing-Camp organizations with five-hundred and twenty-thousand Hong Kong Dollars (which worths more than sixty-six thousand USD) with no prosecutions, while the victims are prosecuted for "riot" (Cheng, 2019c). The injustices between pro and con on the government were obvious. Although Lam disagrees that was intended, it is clear that people who attacked protesters are facing less or even no prosecutions. If DOJ still intents to be justice, all anti-government protestors should be freed from prosecutions, equally treated as the pro-government terrorists.
    Finally, the political system of Hong Kong is the core of everything and the demand for universal suffrage for the LegCo and the CE should be fulfilled. Universal suffrage for the CE and the LegCo had been an ongoing issue before handover. During the British Hong Kong Period, the British government tried to give Hong Kong democracy, giving the people of Hong Kong their political freedoms on the LegCo, non-discriminately on their views in politics. However, plans were rejected due to the interference of the CCP. Mark Young, who returned as the Governor of British Hong Kong in 1946 after World War II, introduced “The Young Plan”, and that was supposed to be the most progressive political reformation on democracy and freedom for British Hong Kong (Miners, 1986). According to the Young Plan, it allows two-thirds of the seats in the LegCo will be direct-elected, more than the current one, which is half. However, the plan was turned down by the next governor, Alexander Grantham, who considered that the CCP would be a great threat, politically or violently. Grantham believed that once Hong Kong successfully transformed into a democratic state, with CCP did not believe in democracy and freedom, a huge conflict would threaten the core values of Hong Kong. Therefore, the Young Plan died. Until 1994, the last governor of Hong Kong, Chris Patten, successfully launched and passed the most progressive political reformation of Hong Kong, which allowed to remove all appointed seats in the LegCo, replacing them with industrial section seats. With industrial section’s seats were elected by all workers in Hong Kong, which meant that they could also be considered as direct-elected (Lo, 1994, p. 179-181). The reformation upset PRC, which Hong Kong would be handover to in 1997. After the bill was passed, with the Pro-Democracy-Camp won most of the seats in the LegCo, PRC established another LegCo for future Hong Kong, by appointing all seats to Pro-Beijing-Camp members and announced that they would not recognize the direct-elected LegCo in British Hong Kong. After the handover, the demand for bringing back universal suffrage to the LegCo has been raising in Hong Kong over time, also the establishment of universal suffrage for the CE. However, in 2014, the CCP decided to set up barriers to make it almost impossible for democrats to be nominated as candidates in the CE election, allowing only two candidates to join the game, who would be selected by a one-thousand-and-two-hundreds-member-election-committees, while only a quarter of them were democrats. Therefore, the students launched the Umbrella Revolution, to protest by occupying the roads in core commercial districts, to urge for civil nomination rights of candidates and the removal of the Beijing-controlled election committee. However, the request was rejected by Carrie Lam, who was the Chief Secretary for Administration of Hong Kong in 2014, claiming occupying streets and roads would damage the students and the city only, and lying, that allowing general nomination would violate the Basic Law, the constitution of Hong Kong. The movement died off due to injunctions on their street occupations. Therefore, the democratic movement of Hong Kong went into silence for five years. In that five years, the democrats faced huge political challenges from the Hong Kong authority, by Judicial-Reviewing their seats in the LegCo, and rudely disqualified six of them, causing the Pro-Beijing-Camp became the only power in the LegCo. The great disrespect, lack of involvement in society and distrust of the government are due to the unfair political system, that people have no choice to select who to be in the Government. The people would be more involved in the place they live if they are allowed to vote and nominate for who they want to. Hence, duel universal suffrages are the key solution to solve all the current unrest.
    A political crisis should be solved politically. For more than once, Lam openly and publicly claimed that dialoguing with demonstrators would be meaningless and a waste of time. However, according to Griffin (2012), he states that a government should not consider its power as the immanent force, but evolving dialogues and explanations with public relations (p. 216). Undoubtedly, due to the lack of communication, the Lam Administration has lost most of its credits from the citizens of Hong Kong, losing its authorities and governance in Hong Kong. Therefore, stepping down to fulfill would be the best opinion and atonement or them. According to Claudia Mo, a direct-elected legislator in Hong Kong claimed that the withdrawal of the bill had been “too late” and “too little”, since Lam has caused a huge havoc in Hong Kong, she and her administration should step down and fulfill the remaining four demands, since the rating of the Government of Hong Kong by its people has gone to the lowest ever, with a net value of negative sixty-nine percents by October 23 and Carrie Lam became the lowest rating CE ever with a score of below twenty by November 8 (Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute, 2019). If Carrie Lam insists to ignore people’s demands, the ongoing unrest will last even longer. Damages and destructions will be worse as the time goes, physically and psychologically. According to Citizens’ Press Conference (CPC), on November 1, they published that they have found out that protesters started to have psychological issues as the movement went worse, thirty-seven percent of the protesters are facing mental health problems. Also, they found out that suspects always felt that they felt being followed by the police; sixteen percent of the respondents had exceeded the depression standard of the International Association for Psychology; fifty-five percent of the respondents were facing Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. The same situation also happened after Umbrella Movement in 2014, according to Hou et al. (2015), they state that 47.35% of the respondents reported that they had anxiety symptoms;14.4% with depressive symptoms; and 9.11% with poor health status (p. 74). According to Kai Hou et al. (2015), they state that almost three months of occupation in three major districts in Hong Kong, with over a million protesters, participated in it (p. 74), that they showed that unrest environment caused poorer mental and physical health although only limited studies had shown the impaction (p. 78-79). Therefore, supports should be provided. However, nothing will be needed for anything yet since “Five Demands” is what the youngsters in Hong Kong wanted. Fulfilling “Five Demands” will gain her trust back from the people of Hong Kong. If “Five Demands” completely fulfilled in Hong Kong, it would be the greatest history and a step forward on Hong Kong’s freedom and democracy, also a chance to show to Beijing that democracy and freedom actually are not scary at all and should not be frightened of them.

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